Nouvelles

Critique : Volume 48 - Monde Médiéval

Critique : Volume 48 - Monde Médiéval

En 1917, une organisation remarquable voit le jour. Son mandat était très ambitieux : commémorer les 1 100 000 hommes de l'Empire britannique qui ont perdu la vie lors de la Première Guerre mondiale. La Commission impériale des sépultures de guerre a été créée par un homme, Sir Fabian Ware, dont l'énergie et la détermination ont réuni certains des plus grands designers et architectes du début du XXe siècle. Ce livre se penche sur l'histoire des sépultures de guerre des militaires britanniques et du Commonwealth, et examine comment le souvenir moderne a été façonné par le travail de Ware et de ses contemporains après la Première Guerre mondiale.

À 3 h 10 le 7 juin 1917, l'obscurité qui prévalait sur le front occidental a été brisée par les « piliers de feu » - la détonation rapide de 19 énormes mines, sécrétées dans des tunnels sous les lignes allemandes et contenant 450 tonnes d'explosifs. Admis par les Allemands pour être un « coup de maître », les explosions dévastatrices ont par la suite fait en sorte que 10 000 soldats ont été postés simplement comme « disparus ». Lançant une attaque pré-planifiée dans le carnage, soutenu par des chars et un barrage d'artillerie dévastateur, les Britanniques ont pris l'objectif stratégique de Messines Ridge en quelques heures. Un exemple rare d'innovation et de succès dans la Première Guerre mondiale, ce livre est un examen frais et opportun d'une campagne fascinante.


La géographie d'un enfant Vol. 4: Explorez les royaumes médiévaux

Imaginez marcher sur les traces de grands leaders et influenceurs du monde médiéval. Charlemagne, Ferdinand et Isabelle, Jeanne d'Arc, Johannes Gutenberg, Martin Luther. Lisez leurs magasins et vivez l'aventure d'envoyer des explorateurs dans des mers inexplorées, l'excitation d'inventer l'imprimerie et l'anxiété de déclencher une tempête religieuse. Alors que nous explorons les royaumes médiévaux, vous et votre famille apprécierez des paysages à couper le souffle, des merveilles cachées et des gens magnifiques - tous créés à l'image de Dieu.


Contenu

Le travail a été planifié par John Bagnell Bury, professeur Regius d'histoire moderne à l'Université de Cambridge, selon les lignes développées par son prédécesseur, Lord Acton, pour L'histoire moderne de Cambridge. Les premiers rédacteurs nommés étaient Henry Melvill Gwatkin, Mary Bateson et G.T. Lapsley. James Pounder Whitney a remplacé Mary Bateson après sa mort en 1906. Lorsque G.T. Lapsley a pris sa retraite en raison d'une mauvaise santé, sa place n'a pas été comblée de sorte que les éditeurs des deux premiers volumes étaient Gwatkin et Whitney. [1]

Dans la préface du premier volume, les éditeurs ont exprimé le souhait que l'ouvrage soit une lecture intéressante pour le grand public ainsi qu'"un résumé des faits constatés, avec des indications (et non des discussions) des points litigieux". Ils ont affirmé, "il n'y a rien dans la langue anglaise qui ressemble au présent ouvrage" et ont écrit, avec optimisme, qu'ils "espéraient publier deux volumes par an en succession régulière". [1] En fait, le volume final n'a été publié qu'en 1936.

L'histoire visait à englober l'ensemble de l'histoire médiévale européenne de sorte que les éditeurs étaient obligés d'utiliser un large éventail de contributeurs afin de traiter adéquatement le sujet. Notamment par rapport au tome 2 (L'ascension des Sarrasins et la fondation de l'empire d'Occident), les éditeurs se sont plaints que « les étudiants en histoire de ce pays [l'Angleterre] portent rarement leur attention sur une partie quelconque de celui-ci » et donc « très peu a jamais été écrit en anglais, [sur des sujets] tels que les Wisigoths en Espagne, l'organisation de l'Italie impériale et de l'Afrique, les invasions sarrasines de la Sicile et de l'Italie, et les débuts de l'histoire et de l'expansion des Slaves". [2]

Les volumes un et deux ont été publiés en 1911 et 1913, conformément à l'attente des éditeurs que l'ouvrage parcourrait ses volumes à un rythme rapide.

Le volume trois, cependant, a été retardé jusqu'en 1922 par la Première Guerre mondiale, ce qui a rendu la collaboration internationale plus difficile, et après que les universitaires allemands eurent été remplacés par des universitaires britanniques en raison des inquiétudes quant à la manière dont le volume serait reçu en Grande-Bretagne. Certains n'ont pas été payés car ils n'avaient signé aucun contrat. Une collecte a été organisée pour le grand latiniste allemand Max Manitius qui a recueilli 10 £ après avoir écrit que la guerre l'avait laissé dans la pauvreté. Les contributeurs aux volumes quatre et six ont été touchés de la même manière. [3] Écrit dans la préface du tome II de La nouvelle histoire médiévale de Cambridge en 1995, Rosamond McKitterick a commenté "l'héritage malheureux de l'ancien volume III lorsque les principes de l'érudition ont été souillés par des inimitiés politiques et que de nombreux universitaires ont été exclus en tant qu'auteurs en raison de leur nationalité", une faute qui, selon elle, a été effacée de la nouvelle histoire. [4]

Les éditeurs du volume trois étaient Gwatkin, Whitney, Joseph Robson Tanner et Charles William Prévité-Orton. Le volume a été critiqué dans la revue pour la duplication dans sa couverture des événements et des définitions, et un manque de références croisées, [5] mais les commentateurs plus tard ont vu cela comme la conséquence inévitable de la structure de l'ouvrage comme une collection d'essais savants tirés d'un éventail de contributeurs internationaux sur 25 ans, perturbés par la guerre et les changements d'éditeur, plutôt qu'une synthèse organique préparée par un petit groupe sur une courte période. [6]

Les volumes quatre à sept (1923-1932) ont été édités par Tanner, Prévité-Orton et Zachary Nugent Brooke (1883-1946) après que Brooke a remplacé Whitney à sa retraite. Après la mort de Tanner en 1931, le volume huit (1936) est complété par Prévité-Orton et Brooke.

En 1966 et 1967, une nouvelle édition du volume quatre a été publiée en deux parties sous la direction de Joan Hussey, qui incorporait les développements dans le domaine des études byzantines au cours des quarante années écoulées depuis la publication de l'original. [7]


Avis sur Mars/Mars

Laurence Marie, Inventeur l'acteur : Émotions et spectacle dans l'Europe des Lumières. Paris : Sorbonne Université Presses, 2019. 477 pp. Chiffres, notes, bibliographie et index. 26,00 € (pb). ISBN 9791023105551.

Revue par Lauren R. Clay, Université Vanderbilt.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 22.

Davide Panagia, Les sentiments de Rancière. Durham, Caroline du Nord : Duke University Press, 2018. 142 pp. Notes, bibliographie et index. 89,95 $ aux États-Unis (hb). ISBN 9-78-0822370130 23,95 $ US (pb). ISBN 9-78-0822370222.

Revue par David F. Bell, émérite, Duke University.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 23.

Linda Goddard, Contes sauvages : les écrits de Paul Gauguin. New Haven : Yale University Press, 2019. 208 pp. 74 couleurs et 1 illustration n&b, bibliographie, index, annexe. 40,00 $ US (hb). ISBN 9-78-0300240597.

Revue par Dario Gamboni, Professeur émérite, Université de Genève.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 24.

François Zanetti, L'Electricité médicale dans la France des Lumières. Oxford : Fondation Voltaire, 2017. xvii + 265pp. 70,00 £ au Royaume-Uni (pb). ISBN 978-0-7294-1197-4.

Revue par Kieran M. Murphy, Université du Colorado-Boulder.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 25.

Dan Edelstein, Sur l'esprit des droits. Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 2018. 326 p. Notes, bibliographie choisie et index. 40,00 $ US (hb). ISBN 9780226588988 29,99 $ US (papier). ISBN 978-0226794303.

Revue par Andrew Pendakis, Université Brock.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 26.

Noémie Étienne, La restauration des peintures à Paris, 1750-1815 : pratique, discours, matérialité, traduit par Sharon Grevet avec des préfaces de Timothy P. Whalen et Mauro Natale et une postface de Dominique Poulot. Los Angeles : The Getty Conservation Institute, 2017. xiv + 302 pp. Illustrations, notes, dictionnaire biographique des restaurateurs, bibliographie et index. 69,95 $ US (pb). ISBN 978-1-60606-516-7.

Revue par David O'Brien, Université de l'Illinois.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 27.

Charlotte Guichard, La griffe du peintre : la valeur de l'art (1730-1820). Paris : Éditions du Seuil, 2018. 355 pp. Chiffres, notes, index des sujets et index des noms. 31,00 € (pb). ISBN 978-2-02-140231-5.

Revue par Paula Radisich, Whittier College.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 28.

J. Arnold, Débat musical et culture politique en France, 1700-1830. Woodbridge : Boydell Press, 2017. vi + 232 p. Illustrations, tableaux, notes, bibliographie et index. 99,00 $ US (hb). ISBN 9781783272013.

Revue par Julia Simon, Université de Californie, Davis.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 29.

Hubert Bonin, Histoire de la Société générale, tome II, 1890-1914 : Une grande banque française. Genève : Droz, 2019. 1121 pp. Notes, illustrations, tableaux, bibliographie et index. 109,00 € (pb). ISBN 978-2-600-05872-8.

Revue de Carlo Edoardo Altamura, The Graduate Institute, Genève.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 30.

Douglas W. Léonard, Anthropologie, politique coloniale et déclin de l'empire français en Afrique. Londres : Bloomsbury Academic, 2020. xi + 235 p. Figures, notes, bibliographie et index. 85,00 £ au Royaume-Uni (hb). ISBN 9781788315203 76,50 £ Royaume-Uni (EPUB eb). ISBN 9781786726131 £76.50 Royaume-Uni (PDF eb). ISBN 9781786736192.

Revue par Roy Dilley, Université de St Andrews.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 31.

Kathryn Kleppinger et Laura Reeck, éd., Cultures post-migratoires dans la France postcoloniale. Liverpool : Liverpool University Press, 2018. x + 288 pp. Illustrations, notes et index. 130,00 $ US (hb). ISBN 9781786941138

Revue par Lucille Toth, Ohio State University.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 32.

Marva Barnett, Aimer, c'est agir : Les Misérables et la vision de Victor Hugo pour mener une vie de conscience. Chicago : Swan Isle Press, 2020. 213 pages. 30 $ US (pb). Notes, annexes et références. ISBN 9780997228762.

Revue par Stéphanie Boulard, Georgia Institute of Technology.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 33.

Christine Mussard, L'Obsession communale : La Calle, un territoire de colonisation dans l'Est Algérien, 1884-1957. Aix-en-Provence : Presses universitaires de Provence, 2018. 356 pp. Notes, cartes, graphiques, bibliographie et annexes. Ꞓ27.00. (ps). ISBN 9791032001462.

Revue par Charlotte Ann Legg, Institut de l'Université de Londres à Paris.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 34.

Mona L. Siegel, La paix à nos conditions : la bataille mondiale pour les droits des femmes après la Première Guerre mondiale. New York : Columbia University Press, 2020. xiii + 321 pp. Illustrations, notes et index. 35,00 $ US (cl). ISBN 978-0-23-119510-2 26,00 $ US (pb). ISBN 978-0-23-119511-9.

Revue par Jean Elisabeth Pedersen, Eastman School of Music, Université de Rochester.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 35.

François Médicis et Steven Huebner, dir., La résonance de Debussy. Études d'Eastman en musique vol. 150. Rochester, N.Y. : University of Rochester Press, 2018. xiv + 625 pp. Notes, illustrations, exemples musicaux et biographies des contributeurs. 125,00 $ US (hb). ISBN 9781580465250.

Revue par Simon Trezise, ​​Trinity College Dublin.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 36.

Patrick Awondo, Le sexe et ses doubles : (Homo)sexualités en postcolonie. Lyon : Éditions ENS, 2019. 243 pp. Bibliographie, liste des acronymes et abréviations, et glossaire. 25,00 €. (ps). ISBN 979-10-362-0097-7 14,99 €. (eb). ISBN 979-10-362-0098-4.

Revue par Denis M. Provencher, Université de l'Arizona.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 37.

Todd Shepard, Sexe, France et hommes arabes, 1962-1979. Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 2017. 317 p. Chiffres, bibliographie et index. 50,00 $ US (cl). ISBN 9780226493275 36,00 $ US (papier). ISBN 9780226790381.

Revue par Arthur Asseraf, Université de Cambridge.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 38.

Réponse de Todd Shepard, Université Johns Hopkins.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 39.

Ramzi Rouighi, Inventer les Berbères. Histoire et idéologie au Maghreb. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019. 312 p. Bibliographie et index. 79,95 $ US (pb). ISBN 9780812251302.

Revue par Fazia Aïtel, Claremont McKenna College.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 40.

Réponse de Ramzi Rouighi, Université de Californie du Sud.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 41.

Natalie Edwards, L'écriture de vie multilingue par des femmes françaises et francophones : les moi translingues. New York et Londres : Routledge, 2020. viii + 176 p. Notes, références et index. 160,00 $ US (hb). ISBN 9780367150327 48,95 $ US (eb). ISBN 9780429054877.

Revue par Julia Elsky, Université Loyola de Chicago.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 42.

Bruce Hayes, L'humour hostile dans la France de la Renaissance. Newark : University of Delaware Press, 2020. xiv + 218 pp. Notes, bibliographie et index. 65,00 $ US (hb). ISBN 9781644531778 32,50 $ US (pb). ISBN 9781644531785.

Revue par Lucy Rayfield, Université d'Oxford.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 43.

Margot Béal, Des champs aux cuisines : Histoires de la domesticité en Rhône et Loire (1848-1940). Lyon : Éditions ENS, 2019. 235 pp. Notes et bibliographie. 28,00 €. (ps). ISBN 9791036201363. 0,00 €. (eb). ISBN 9791036201387.

Revue par Lucy Rayfield, Université d'Oxford.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 44.

Elizabeth Morrison et Larisa Grollemond, éd., Livre des bêtes : le bestiaire dans le monde médiéval. Los Angeles : The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2019. xiv + 339 pp. Notes, annexes, références, crédits d'illustration, index et insert d'errata. 85 $ US (cl). ISBN 978160606590.

Revue par Jenny Davis Barnett, Université du Queensland.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 45.

Ève Morisi. Lettres majuscules : Hugo, Baudelaire, Camus et la peine de mort. Evanston, IL : Northwestern University Press, 2020. xiv + 265 pp. Notes, bibliographie et index. ISBN 9780810141520 (nb), 99,95 $ ISBN 9780810141513 (nb), 34,95 $.

Revue par Timothy Raser, Université de Géorgie.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 46.

Stenner, David. Mondialisation du Maroc : activisme transnational et État postcolonial. Stanford, Californie : Stanford University Press, 2019. xv + 289 pp. Notes, bibliographie et index. 90,00 $ US (cl). ISBN 9781503608115 30,00 $ US (papier). ISBN 9781503608993.

Revue par Mark Drury, Université de Princeton.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 47.

Judy Kem, Pathologies de l'amour : médecine et question de la femme dans la France primitive. Lincoln : University of Nebraska Press, 2019. xiv + 287 pp. Illustrations, tableaux, annexes, notes, bibliographie et index. 60,00 $ US (hb). ISBN 978-1-4962-1520-8 60,00 $ US (eb). ISBN 978-1-4962-1687-8.

Revue par Dorothea Heitsch, Université de Caroline du Nord à Chapel Hill.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 48.

Romarin Lancaster, Femmes écrivant sur la Côte d'Azur : voyageuses et créatrices de tendances, 1870-1970. Leiden et Boston : Brill/Rodopi, 2020. xii + 275 pp. Références, index, 20 illustrations en couleurs et frontispice. 140,00 $ US (hb). ISBN 9789004428751 140,00 $ US (eb). ISBN 9789004433922.

Revue par Melanie Hawthorne, Texas A&M University.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 49.

Daniel Chirot, Vous dites que vous voulez une révolution ? L'idéalisme radical et ses conséquences tragiques. Princeton, NJ : Princeton University Press, 2020. xii + 171 pages. 29,95 $ US (hb). ISBN 9780691193670.

Revue par Lloyd Kramer, Université de Caroline du Nord, Chapel Hill.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 50.

Charles-François Mathis et Émile-Anne Pépy, Verdir la ville : la nature dans les villes françaises depuis le XVIIe siècle. Traduit par Moya Jones. Winwick: The White Horse Press, 2020. 332 pages ISBN 978-1-912186-13-6.

Revue par Caroline Ford, Université de Californie, Los Angeles.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 51.

Christophe Lloyd, Guy de Maupassant. Londres : Reaktion Books, 2020. 216 pp. Trente illustrations. 11,99 £ Royaume-Uni (pb). ISBN 978-1-78914-197-9.

Compte rendu par Noëlle Benhamou, Université de Picardie Jules Verne, Amiens (France).
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 52.

Alexandre Mikaberidze. Les guerres napoléoniennes : une histoire mondiale. New York : Oxford University Press, 2020. xxiii + 936 pp. Cartes, notes, bibliographie et index. 39,95 $ aux États-Unis (hb). ISBN 978-0-19-995106-2.

Revue par Elise Kimerling Wirtschafter, California State Polytechnic University, Pomona.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 53.

Bernard Gauthiez, La production de l'espace urbain, de la temporalité et de la spatialité : Lyon, 1500-1900. Berlin : De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2020. xi + 257 pp. Cartes, tableaux, figures, notes, bibliographie et index. 68,99 $ aux États-Unis (heure normale). ISBN 9783110619638 68,99 $ US (eb). ISBN 9783110623062.

Revue par David Garrioch, Université Monash.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 54.

Michael Harrigan, Frontières de la servitude : l'esclavage dans les récits de l'Atlantique primitif français. Manchester : University of Manchester Press, 2018. xii + 330 p. Figures, notes et index. 120,00 $ US (cl). ISBN 9781526122261.

Revue par Ashley M. Williard, Université de Caroline du Sud.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 55.

William S. Cormack, Patriotes, royalistes et terroristes aux Antilles. La Révolution française en Martinique et Guadeloupe 1789-1802. Toronto : University of Toronto Press, 2019. x +390 p. Cartes, figures, notes, bibliographie et index. 54,00 $ US (cl.). ISBN 9781487503956 54,00 $
États-Unis (eb). ISBN 9781487519155.

Revue de Flavio Eichmann, Université de Berne.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 56.

Pierre Journoud, Dien Bien Phu. La fin d'un monde. Paris : Éditions Vendémiaire, 2019. 472 p. Cartes, notes, bibliographie et index. 25,00 €. (ps). ISBN 978-2-36358-325-3.

Revue par M. Kathryn Edwards, Université de Tulane.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 57.

Flavio Eichmann, Krieg und Revolution in der Karibik. Die Kleinen Antillen, 1789-1815. Berlin : De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2019. 553 pp. 65,99 $ US (eb). ISBN 9783110608830 65,99 $ US (hb). ISBN 9783110605853.

Revue par Jeremy D. Popkin, Université du Kentucky.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 58.

Diane Davis, Les créateurs de goût : les marchands britanniques et l'intérieur anglo-gaulois, 1785-1865. Los Angeles : Getty Research Institute, 2020. xii + 308 pp. Planches, figures, notes, bibliographie et index. 65,00 $ US (hb). ISBN 978-1-60606-641-6.

Revue par Conor Lucey, University College Dublin.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 59.

Jeff Kendrick et Katherine S. Maynard, éd., Polémique et littérature autour des guerres de religion françaises. Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Culture 68. Boston et Berlin : Walter de Gruyter, 2019. ix + 208 pp. Chiffres, notes, bibliographie, index. 102,99 $ aux États-Unis (c.-à-d.). ISBN
9781501518034 102,99 $ US (eb). 9781501513510.

Revue par George Hoffmann, Université du Michigan.
Revue H-France Vol. 21 (mars 2021), n° 60.


Le monde médiéval , ом 10

Cette collection révolutionnaire fait revivre le Moyen Âge et exprime le caractère distinctif de cette période diversifiée et en constante évolution. Trente-huit savants rassemblent un monde médiéval à partir de nombreux mondes disparates, de Connacht à Constantinople et de Tynemouth à Tombouctou.

Cet extraordinaire ensemble de reconstitutions présente au lecteur un remaniement vivant du passé médiéval, offrant de nouvelles évaluations des preuves et de l'écriture historique moderne.

Les chapitres sont thématiquement liés en quatre sections :

  • identités
  • croyances, valeurs sociales et ordre symbolique
  • pouvoir et structures de pouvoir
  • élites, organisations et groupes.

Rempli d'érudition originale, The Medieval World est une lecture essentielle pour quiconque étudie l'histoire médiévale.

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Le monde médiéval

Pour aider à reconstruire la période médiévale pour le lecteur contemporain, Linehan (Histoire et les historiens de l'Espagne médiévale) et Nelson (Le monde franc, 750-900) ont enrôlé des contributions de 38 . итать есь отзыв


L'Europe médiévale tardive

Cette série traite de tous les aspects de l'histoire, de la société et de la culture européennes de ca. 1100 à env. 1600. Adoptant une approche paneuropéenne, il fournit un forum pour l'érudition sur une gamme de sujets importants à la fin de la période médiévale, tels que l'histoire politique, économique et sociale, ainsi que l'histoire de l'église, l'histoire intellectuelle, l'histoire urbaine, et l'histoire de la culture et de la mentalité.

La série publie des monographies, des collections thématiques éditées, des éditions de sources et des traductions, et accueille des recherches interdisciplinaires et des études interculturelles ou comparatives. Il vise à promouvoir la parité géographique pour parvenir à une vision holistique de la fin du Moyen Âge européen, tout en reliant les différents volets de la vie pancontinentale au cours de cette période vibrante de l'histoire et en jetant un pont entre les périodes médiévale et moderne.

Les auteurs sont cordialement invités à soumettre des propositions et/ou des manuscrits complets soit à l'éditeur de la série, le professeur Douglas Biggs, soit à l'éditeur de Brill, le Dr Kate Hammond.

Brill prend entièrement en charge la publication Open Access et offre la possibilité de publier votre monographie, volume édité ou chapitre en Open Access. Nos services Open Access sont entièrement conformes aux exigences des bailleurs de fonds. Nous prenons en charge les licences Creative Commons. Pour plus d'informations, s'il vous plaît visitez Brill Ouvert ou contactez-nous à [email protected]

Note biographique

Douglas L Biggs, Ph.D. (1996) en histoire, Université du Minnesota, est professeur agrégé d'histoire à l'Université du Nebraska – Kearney. Il a publié de nombreux articles sur l'histoire politique et militaire anglaise de la fin du Moyen Âge, notamment en co-éditant, Henri IV : L'établissement du régime, 1399-1406 (Woodbridge, 2003).

Sara M. Butler, Ph.D (2001), Dalhouusine University, est professeur King George III en histoire britannique à l'Ohio State University. C'est une historienne sociale du droit qui a publié des livres et des articles sur les sujets de la violence conjugale, du divorce, du suicide, de l'avortement, de l'anticléricalisme et des fautes professionnelles médicales. Son livre le plus récent est Médecine légale et enquête sur les décès dans l'Europe médiévale tardive (Routledge, 2015).

Kelly DeVries, Ph.D. (1987) en études médiévales, Centre d'études médiévales, Université de Toronto, est professeur d'histoire au Loyola College dans le Maryland. Il est l'auteur de Jeanne d'Arc : une histoire militaire (Sutton, 1999), L'invasion norvégienne de l'Angleterre en 1066 (The Boydell Press, 1999), La guerre d'infanterie au début du XIVe siècle : discipline, tactique et technologie (The Boydell Press, 1996), et Technologie militaire médiévale (Broadview Press, 1992), et de nombreux articles sur l'histoire militaire médiévale et la technologie militaire.

William Chester Jordanie est professeur d'histoire Dayton-Stockton à l'Université de Princeton, où il enseigne l'histoire médiévale. Ses livres comprennent De la servitude à la liberté : la Manumission dans le Sénonais au XIIIe siècle (UPP, 1986) Les femmes et le crédit dans les sociétés préindustrielles et en développement (UPP, 1993, traduction japonaise 2004) La Grande Famine : l'Europe du Nord au début du XIVe siècle (PUP, 1996), lauréat de la médaille Haskins de la Medieval Academy of America L'Europe au Haut Moyen Âge (Penguin, 2001), et plus récemment Lutte incessante, peur incessante : Jacques de Thérines et la liberté de l'Église au temps des derniers Capétiens (PUP, 2005). Le professeur Jordan a également édité plusieurs encyclopédies pour les élèves du primaire, les lycéens et les universitaires.

Cynthia Neville détient la chaire George Munro d'histoire et d'économie politique à l'Université Dalhousie à Halifax, en Nouvelle-Écosse. Elle a publié de nombreux articles sur divers aspects de l'histoire juridique et sociale des terres frontalières anglo-écossaises dans la période 1200-1500 et, plus récemment, sur le sujet de la seigneurie gaélique dans l'Écosse médiévale. Elle est l'auteur de nombreux articles sur l'impact des idées anglo-normandes et européennes sur la culture de la noblesse gaélique d'Écosse aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles et a également publié un livre sur ce sujet, intitulé Seigneurie autochtone dans l'Écosse médiévale : les comtés de Strathearn et Lennox, c.1140-1365 (Four Courts Press, 2005). Elle travaille actuellement sur un livre qui examine plus en détail les aspects de l'histoire juridique, sociale et culturelle de la Gaeldom écossaise aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles.

Catherine L. Reyerson, Ph.D. (1974) en études médiévales, Yale University, est professeur d'histoire à l'Université du Minnesota. Elle a publié de nombreux ouvrages sur l'histoire sociale et économique médiévale, en particulier de la Méditerranée française, notamment L'art du deal. Intermédiaires de Commerce à Montpellier Médiéval (Brill, 2002) et Jacques Coeur. Entrepreneur et économe du roi (Pearson Longman, 2004).

Comité éditorial

Rédacteur en chef
Douglas Biggs (Université du Nebraska - Kearney)

Éditeurs
Sara M. Butler (Université d'État de l'Ohio)
Kelly DeVries (Université Loyola Maryland)
William Chester Jordan (Université de Princeton)
Cynthia J. Neville (Université Dalhousie)
Kathryn L. Reyerson (Université du Minnesota)


Possibilités d'accès

1. Voir, par exemple, Jones , W. J. , The Elizabethan Court of Chancery ( Oxford , 1967 ).Google Scholar

2. Baker, J. H., An Introduction to English Legal History, 3e éd. (Londres, 1990), 114 .Google Scholar

3. Chrimes , S. B. , An Introduction to the Administrative History of Medieval England , Oxford Studies in Mediaeval History, vol. 7, 3d éd. ( Oxford , 1966 ).Google Scholar Maxwell-Lyte , HC , Notes historiques sur l'utilisation du grand sceau d'Angleterre ( Londres , 1926 ).Google Scholar Tout , TF , Chapters in the Administrative History of Medieval England: The Wardrobe, the Chambre et les Petits Sceaux , 6 vol. (Manchester, 1920 – 1933) Google Scholar « The Household of Chancery and Its Disintegration », dans Essays in History Presented to Reginald Lane Poole, éd. Davis , H. W. C. ( Oxford , 1927 Google Scholar repr. 1969), 46–85, également dans Les papiers collectés de Thomas Frederick Tout avec un mémoire et une bibliographie, 3 vol. (Manchester, 1932-1934), vol. 2, 143-72. Wilkinson , B. , « The Chancery », dans English Government at Work, 1327-1336 , I , éd. Willard , J. F. , Morris , W. A. ​​( Cambridge, Mass. , 1940 ), 162 – 205 Google Scholar La chancellerie sous Edward III (Manchester, 1929). Tous les aspects d'organisation, de personnel et d'administration mentionnés dans cette discussion sont traités par au moins un de ces auteurs, et la plupart sont discutés par tous.

4. Chrysanthèmes, Histoire administrative, 241–42. Du matériel prosopographique a été présenté par Smith, Charles W. dans « Some Trends in the English Royal Chancery: 1377–1483 », Medieval Prosopography 6 (1985), 69 – 94. Google Scholar

5. La brève description suivante est tirée de Baker, Anglais Histoire juridique, 114–18.

6. Au XVe siècle, les seuls chanceliers non clercs étaient Thomas Beaufort, chevalier et plus tard premier comte de Dorset et premier duc d'Exeter (chancelier 1410-1411) et Richard Neville, comte de Salisbury (chancelier 1454-1455). Au XIVe siècle, il y avait beaucoup plus de chanceliers qui n'étaient pas du clergé : Robert Bourchier, chevalier (chancelier 1340-41) Robert Parving, chevalier (chancelier 1341-43) Robert Sadington, chevalier et ancien grand baron de l'Échiquier (chancelier 1343-45 ) Robert Thorpe, chevalier et ancien CJCB (chancelier 1371-72) John Knyvet, chevalier et ancien CJKB (chancelier 1372-77) Richard Scrope, seigneur Scrope de Bolton (1378-80, 1381-82) Michael de la Pole, chevalier, premier comte de Suffolk (chancelier 1383-1386). Au total, cependant, ces sept hommes ont occupé le poste pendant moins de seize ans. Au XVIe siècle, Thomas More (chancelier 1529-1532) apparaît comme le premier de ce qui serait, dans l'ensemble, les titulaires de la charge laïques et souvent de droit commun. Les chanceliers épiscopaux réapparurent pendant le bref règne de Marie. Voir Handbook of British Chronology , 3e éd. , éd. Fryde , E. B. , Greenway , D. E. , Porter , S. et Roy , I. ( Londres , 1986 ).Google Scholar

7. L'impact du caractère du titulaire sur la fonction de chancelier pourrait être important, malgré la croissance d'une bureaucratie stable pour diriger la chancellerie. Il existe de nombreux ouvrages sur les évêques-administrateurs du Moyen Âge, mais les suivants peuvent être mentionnés comme s'appliquant particulièrement à la période médiévale tardive : Margaret E. Avery, « Chancellor John Stafford », inédit. papier (Université de Waikato, Nouvelle-Zélande) Campbell , J. , The Lives of the Lord Chancellors of England , nouvelle éd. par Mallory , J. A. , 12 vol. (Boston, 1874 – 1881) Google Scholar Dunning, RW, « The Households of the Bishops of Bath and Wells in the Later Middle Ages », Actes de la Somersetshire Archaeological and Natural History Society 110 (1965 – 1966), 24 – 39 Google Scholar Jacob, EF, « Archbishop John Stafford », Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 12 (1962), 1 – 23 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, réimprimé dans Jacob, EF, Essays in Later Medieval History (Manchester et New York, 1968 ), 35 – 57 Google Scholar Rosenthal , JT , « La formation d'un groupe d'élite : les évêques anglais au XVe siècle », Transactions of the American Philosophical Society , ns, 60, pt. 5 ( Philadelphie , 1970 ).Google Scholar

8. Boulanger, Anglais Histoire juridique, 116.

9. Plucknett, T.F.T., A Concise History of the Common Law, 5e éd. (Londres, 1956), 180 .Google Scholar Palgrave, Francis, An Essay on the Original Authority of the King's Council (Londres, 1834).Google Scholar L'un des principaux partisans de ce point de vue était J. F. Baldwin. Dans son ouvrage de 1913 sur le Conseil du roi, il commença son chapitre sur les relations entre le Conseil et le chancelier par la déclaration suivante : « Il n'y a rien dans l'histoire institutionnelle de l'Angleterre de plus remarquable que le développement de la fonction de chancelier » (Le Conseil du Roi en Angleterre au Moyen Âge [Oxford, 1913], 236). Il a noté en outre que ce développement remarquable était « une transformation mystérieuse » par laquelle un bureau purement administratif « a saisi » les fonctions judiciaires et est finalement devenu un grand tribunal. Elle a pu y parvenir, croyait Baldwin, parce qu'au XIIIe siècle, la chancellerie n'était pas simplement un bureau exécutif, mais une branche de la curie régis et depuis ses débuts avait « suivi les méthodes de la curie régis en tant qu'organe de consultation » (237). Il semble y avoir un certain décalage entre un bureau qui saisit et un organisme qui est consulté. La question ne peut pas être approfondie ici, mais il serait intéressant de savoir si la Chancellerie a cherché activement à étendre ses activités judiciaires en faisant valoir sa compétence à la manière des tribunaux de droit commun, ou si elle s'est développée à partir de personnes apportant leur difficultés dans l'espoir d'une résolution. Cette dernière suggestion semble plus viable et est soutenue par les résultats présentés dans la deuxième partie de cet essai. Pour Baldwin, cette qualité consultative de la chancellerie était cruciale pour son développement ultérieur. L'aspect central de la croissance de la chancellerie en tant que tribunal à part entière était cependant le renvoi au chancelier des pétitions adressées au Conseil et au Parlement. L'histoire de ce processus de saisine, et surtout de l'évolution des relations entre le chancelier et le Conseil en matière judiciaire, a été longuement traitée (254-61).

10. Select Cases in Chancery A.D. 1364-1471, éd. Baildon , William P. , Publications de la Seiden Society, vol. 10 (1896), xxvi .Google Scholar

11. Baildon croyait qu'une proclamation de 1349 aux shérifs de Londres distinguait les questions de grâce et les questions de droit commun et qu'il s'agissait « d'un contraste [qui] suggère certainement que quelque chose de la nature d'un redressement équitable était dans l'esprit du roi ». The text on which he based his observation is as follows: “volumus quod quilibet negocia tam communem legem regni nostri Anglie quam graciam nostram specialem concernencia penes nosmetipsos habens exnunc prosequenda, eadem negocia, videlicet, negocia ad communem legem penes venerabilem virum electum Cantuariensem confirmatum Cancellarium nostrum per ipsum expedienda, et alia negocia de gracia nostra concernenda penes eundem Cancellarium seu dilectum clericum nostrum Custodem sigilli nostri privati prosequantur ita quod …” (from Close Roll 22 Edward III, p.2 m.2d) (Ibid., xvii–xviii).

14. Baker, English Legal History, 117.

15. Ibid., 117–18. The closing sentence is nicely adapted from Maitland , F. W. , Equity: A Course of Lectures , 2d ed. , éd. Chaytor , A. H. and Whittaker , W. J. , rev. Branyate , J. ( Cambridge , 1936 ), 17 .Google Scholar Remarking on the twenty-fifth section of the Judicature Act (1873) Maitland argued that despite the provisions of this legislation, which implied conflict between common law and equity, such antagonism was untrue. Noting occasional disagreements, and especially Coke/Ellesmere, he remarked that this debate belonged to the “old days” and that for two centuries before 1875 the two systems had been working together harmoniously: “Equity had come not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it.” As shall be seen, Baker's replacement of equity with the person of the chancellor is of the utmost importance and advances the argument considerably.

16. Baker, English Legal History, 118.

18. See Haskett , T. S. , “The Presentation of Cases in Medieval Chancery Bills,” in Legal History in the Making , Papers Presented to the Ninth British Legal History Conference, University of Glasgow 1989 , eds. Gordon , W. M. and Fergus , T. D. ( London , 1991 ), 11 – 28 .Google Scholar

19. Baker, English Legal History, 119.

21. Avery , Margaret E. , “ The History of the Equitable Jurisdiction of Chancery before 1460 ,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 42 ( 1969 ), 130 .CrossRefGoogle Scholar Only two other scholars have published work that is based directly upon the records of the court, although the scope and range of their studies is much smaller than Avery's: Pronay , Nicholas , “The Chancellor, the Chancery, and the Council at the End of the Fifteenth Century,” in British Government and Administration: Studies Presented to S. B. Chrimes , eds. Hearder , H. and Loyn , H. R. ( Cardiff , 1974 ), 87 – 103 Google Scholar Metzger , Franz , “The Last Phase of the Medieval Chancery,” in Law-Making and Law-Makers in British History , Papers Presented to the Edinburgh Legal History Conference, 1977, ed. Harding , A. , Royal Historical Society Studies in History, no. 22 ( London , 1980 ), 79 – 89 .Google Scholar Metzger's , unpublished dissertation, “Das Englische Kanzleigericht unter Kardinal Wolsey, 1515–1529,” ( Erlangen Ph.D., 1976 )Google Scholar , presents a statistical analysis of 7,476 Chancery cases from Wolsey's tenure. Guy , J. A. in “ Thomas More as Successor to Wolsey ,” Thought: Fordham University Quarterly 52 ( 1977 ), 275 –94CrossRefGoogle Scholar , provides statistical notes on 1,222 cases from More's time in office.

22. Holdsworth , William S. , A History of English Law , 4th ed. , 16 vols. ( London , 1936 Google Scholar repr. 1966), vol. 2, 346–47. In discussing the second of his three factors he notes that these ideas of conscience were “borrowed from the canon lawyers.”

23. Ibid., 591–92, 596–97. In opposition to Holdsworth's suggestion of new developments in Chancery jurisprudence, G. B. Adams argued forcefully for the idea of the origin and development of equity in king and Council. He posited a continual line of equity through the royal prerogative, beginning with the Council at the Conquest and ending with the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in modern times. From this line branched off three major arenas in which the equity that was still dependent on the prerogative was administered: in the common law courts until the fifteenth century in Chancery and in the court of Star Chamber (Council and Courts in Anglo-Norman England [London and New Haven, 1926], 200–205). For Adams, common law and equity originated together as an undifferentiated system within the king's duty to provide justice and security through his prerogative authority and administration (185). As the common law—itself a method of improving the administration of justice through the use of the prerogative—hardened into a fixed system, the prerogative was sought again to provide needed flexibility from this second stage came the mature equity system (189 n.22).

24. Post , J. B. , “Equitable Resorts before 1450,” in Law, Litigants and the Legal Profession , Papers Presented to the Fourth British Legal History Conference, University of Birmingham 1979 , eds. Ives , E. W. and Manchester , A. H. . Royal Historical Society Studies in History, no. 36 ( London , 1983 ), 68 – 69 .Google Scholar

27. Understanding of such activity has been advanced in one specific area by Rawcliffe , Carole in “The Great Lord as Peacekeeper: Arbitration by English Noblemen and Their Councils in the Later Middle Ages,” in Law and Social Change in British History , Papers Presented to the Bristol Legal History Conference, 1981, eds. Guy , J. A. and Beale , H. G. ( London , 1984 ), 34 – 54 .Google Scholar

28. Post, “Equitable Resorts,” 78.

29. Maitland , F. W. , The Constitutional History of England ( Cambridge , 1908 ), 225 .Google Scholar

32. Maitland, Équité, 5. Baker, after H. Coing and J. L. Barton, notes that the specific model for Chancery process may have been the denunciatio evangelica (English Legal History, 199 n.26) see infra at nn.55–68.

34. Maitland cited George Spence on the side of strong Romanism (The Equitable Jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery, 2 vols. [London, 1846–49 Philadelphia, 1846–50]) and O. W. Holmes opposed to such a notion (“Early English Equity,” in Select Essays in Anglo-American Legal History, 3 vols. [Boston, 1907–9], vol. 2, 705–21).

36. See the Appendix for a brief discussion of the education and experience of the late medieval chancellors.

38. This work is discussed infra at nn.85–98.

39. Vinogradoff , Paul , “ Reason and Conscience in Sixteenth-Century Jurisprudence ,” Law Quarterly Review 24 ( 1908 ), 379 .Google Scholar

41. Vinogradoff , Paul , Roman Law in Medieval Europe ( Oxford , 1929 Google Scholar repr. with a new Foreword by Peter Stein, Cambridge and New York, 1968), 117–18.

42. Vinogradoff, “Reason and Conscience,” 380. Adams, Council and Courts, 212.

43. Others have had a more difficult time acknowledging such influences. Even with his strong emphasis on continuity, Adams recognized that the equity system of the Chancery in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries required some explanation. Stalwart in his conviction of the continuous growth of institutional equity from Anglo-Norman times down to the modern period, he asked whether new doctrines were introduced that changed this body of equity sufficiently to constitute a “new, distinct and independent development,” marking the beginning of what he termed “modem equity” (Council and Courts, 205). He recognized that something new was at work in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and fortified his concept of continuity by taking the position that, if any new doctrine was introduced to justify and guide the equity system of the Chancery, it must have occurred after the line of development of “equity proper” had parted from the line of the development of the Council's jurisdiction. “Equity proper” he took to be the jurisdiction of the chancellor, and it was here that new doctrine, which he called “the rule of reason and conscience,” entered. This rule broadened the old function of securing justice for all, allowing the equity court to insist that faith be kept where common law could not act, to insist that unjust advantage not be taken of ignorance or folly, and to prevent fraud based upon the allowance of mere forms. Adams maintained, however, that conscience was not put forward as a substitute for the prerogative basis of justice, but only as proof that the prerogative had the right to interfere in certain cases (208–10). The prime difficulty with Adams's view, of course, is the definition of the new doctrine. He spoke of it often and once stated that it was “borrowed from without” (213), but his only description was that it was comprised of rules of reason and conscience. In fact, Adams actually used the passage from the work of Vinogradoff, cited at the previous note, suggesting what he perceived to be the source of the new doctrine.

44. Barbour , Willard T. , “ Some Aspects of Fifteenth-Century Chancery ,” Harvard Law Review 31 ( 1917 – 1918 ), 835 .Google Scholar He describes these ecclesiastics as people “who knew little of the common law but a good deal of another system.”

46. O. W. Holmes, for example, made the following statement with respect to the protection of the cestui que use: “As soon as the need for protection was felt, the means of supplying it was at hand. Nothing was easier than for the ecclesiastics who presided in Chancery to carry out there, as secular judges, the principles which their predecessors had striven to enforce in their own tribunals under the rival authority of the Church. As chancellors they were free from those restrictions which confined them as churchmen to suits concerning matrimony and wills” (Select Essays, vol. 2, 715–16). Despite the problematical description of the chancellor as a secular judge, the overly strong emphasis of the Church as a rival authority, and the limitation of ecclesiastical jurisdiction to matrimony and wills, this view at least recognised the ecclesiastical character of the chancellor, his familiarity with another procedure, and the presence of principles of law and equity in the canonical tradition.

47. Marchant , Ronald A. , The Church under the Law. Justice, Administration and Discipline in the Diocese of York, 1560–1640 ( Cambridge , 1969 ), 2 .Google Scholar

50. Expanding Avery's list back to Edmund Stafford and forward to Thomas More extends the survey to match the range of the Early Court of Chancery in England Project , described infra, Part II. The Appendix presents a description of each chancellor.

51. Adams, Council and Courts, is a particularly good example of this approach.

53. Avery , Margaret E. , “ An Evaluation of the Effectiveness of the Court of Chancery under the Lancastrian Kings ,” Law Quarterly Review 86 ( 1970 ), 90 .Google Scholar

54. Not every recent writer is convinced. Post, for instance, believes that the links between canon law and Chancery's equity were tenuous. While he admits that the influence of canonists—both as chancellors and as Chancery clerks—on procedure and judgments “must have been substantial,” analogous to the influence of canonists upon the common-law justices of the thirteenth century, he cautions that “this does not mean that civilian doctrines played any larger part than the general doctrines of the common law in formulating the judgments of the court” (“Equitable Resorts,” 78). But how could it be that merely tenuous links between canon law and the Chancery jurisprudence were the product of canonical influences that were themselves substantial? And how could such links be considered tenuous when these influences, Post admits, could have played as large a part in the development of Chancery's equity as did common-law influences, which he implies were considerable? Post continues that “there is nothing to suggest that litigants resorted to Chancery to get civilian treatment it is far more likely that they sought the natural justice and common sense which at lower levels would have been meted by mediators unversed in either law” (ibid.). To be sure, there is no requirement that those who resorted to the Court of Chancery for redress actively sought civil-law remedies, and Post is quite right that litigants took their cases to the forum wherein they most expected a favorable decision. But that those who went to the court did not understand the complexities of its jurisprudence in no way implies that that jurisprudence was not present. In other words, a litigant's ignorance of civilian or canonical principles does not mean that the chancellor and his staff were also ignorant. The perception of the petitioners, and especially of those assisting them, is far more complex than Post allows (see the analysis of the diplomatic of the Chancery records in Haskett, “The Presentation of Cases in Medieval Chancery Bills”). Although Post has provided new insights into the Court of Chancery by placing it in a larger context of social control through arbitration, he is driven to a difficult conclusion, which itself admits the necessity of canonical and civilian influence. Indeed, in the same book J. A. Guy suggests, describing the development of protection for beneficiaries involved in the provisions of the use, that “It was the chancellor, following after 1450 the example of the ecclesiastical courts, who began the slow but steady progress by which other interests became guaranteed on the ground of conscience” (“The Development of Equitable Jurisdictions, 1450–1550,” in Law, Litigants and the Legal Profession, 80). The topic could be widened to encompass the broad notions of law and justice in late medieval England. Edward Powell has remarked that academic discussion of the nature of law and government was dominated by the thought of St. Thomas Aquinas. Noting that “it is hard to imagine many JPs thumbing through the Summa Theologica after a hard day at the sessions”—something that the scholar-chancellors might well have done—Powell suggests that Thomas's definitions are relevant because they articulated fundamental principles of medieval thought. “The belief that law was of divine origin,” he states, “that it must be in accord with reason, and that justice entailed giving each man his right, were matters of more than academic interest.” Indeed they were, yet more than just Thomas is of concern here. Also, Powell's statement, based for the Chancery on Baildon's selection of cases (see ci-dessus, n.10), that “Petitioners invoking the equitable jurisdiction of the king's council or the chancellor habitually requested the remedy demanded by law and reason,” is inaccurate: most often Chancery petitioners appeal to reason and conscience (Kingship, Law and Society. Criminal Justice in the Reign of Henry V [Oxford, 1989], 25–29).

55. Coing , H. , “ English Equity and the Denunciatio Evangelica of the Canon Law ,” Law Quarterly Review 71 ( 1955 ), 225 .Google Scholar Coing remarks that there is a general view that, since most pre-Reformation chancellors were ecclesiastics, there must have been some canon-law influence. He notes that such opinions are always expressed in general terms rather than based on specific aspects of canon law and equity (224).

56. Ibid., 231–32. Further detail strengthens Coing's comparison. Admissability of the remedy in both jurisdictions is to be found either in delectus iustitiae (justice denied because of the plaintiff's weakness or the defendant's power) or through naturalis obligatio (in parol contract). Coing also sees parallels in crimen de sua natura ecclesiasticum (robbery, plundering, wrongful imprisonment), yet concedes that the denunciatio evangelica in such cases duplicated, rather than informed, the English practice, as the kings had long been a source of appeal for such acts of violence (232–33). Substantive rules, too, offer parallels. In general, the enforcement of the duties of reason and conscience is central to both the denunciatio evangelica and Chancery, while neither finds the mere observance of positive law sufficient. Plus précisément, le denunciatio evangelica draws on the concept of the obligatio naturalis deriving either from consent—whence the enforcement of the nudum pactum, the promise under oath, and the promise given for the benefit of a third person—or from unjust enrichment, that is, the case where “quis locupletatur cum aliena iactura, quia quod alienum est pervenit ad eum” (233–34). The citation is from Bartolus.

57. Coing himself noted that less than 1 percent of the petitions in the Public Record Office had been printed. His estimate was too generous.


Contenu

The Islamic era began in 622. Islamic armies conquered Arabia, Egypt and Mesopotamia, eventually displacing the Persian and Byzantine Empires from the region. Within a century, Islam had reached the area of present-day Portugal in the west and Central Asia in the east. The Islamic Golden Age (roughly between 786 and 1258) spanned the period of the Abbasid Caliphate (750–1258), with stable political structures and flourishing trade. Major religious and cultural works of the Islamic empire were translated into Arabic and occasionally Persian. Islamic culture inherited Greek, Indic, Assyrian and Persian influences. A new common civilisation formed, based on Islam. An era of high culture and innovation ensued, with rapid growth in population and cities. The Arab Agricultural Revolution in the countryside brought more crops and improved agricultural technology, especially irrigation. This supported the larger population and enabled culture to flourish. [1] [2] From the 9th century onwards, scholars such as Al-Kindi [3] translated Indian, Assyrian, Sasanian (Persian) and Greek knowledge, including the works of Aristotle, into Arabic. These translations supported advances by scientists across the Islamic world. [4]

Islamic science survived the initial Christian reconquest of Spain, including the fall of Seville in 1248, as work continued in the eastern centres (such as in Persia). After the completion of the Spanish reconquest in 1492, the Islamic world went into an economic and cultural decline. [2] The Abbasid caliphate was followed by the Ottoman Empire (c. 1299–1922), centred in Turkey, and the Safavid Empire (1501–1736), centred in Persia, where work in the arts and sciences continued. [5]

Medieval Islamic scientific achievements encompassed a wide range of subject areas, especially mathematics, astronomy, and medicine. [4] Other subjects of scientific inquiry included physics, alchemy and chemistry, ophthalmology, and geography and cartography. [6]

Alchemy and chemistry Edit

The early Islamic period saw the establishment of theoretical frameworks in alchemy and chemistry. The sulfur-mercury theory of metals, first found in pseudo-Apollonius of Tyana's Sirr al-khalīqa ("The Secret of Creation", c. 750–850) and in the writings attributed to Jabir ibn Hayyan (written c. 850–950), [7] remained the basis of theories of metallic composition until the 18th century. [8] Le Emerald Tablet, a cryptic text that all later alchemists up to and including Isaac Newton saw as the foundation of their art, first occurs in the Sirr al-khalīqa and in one of the works attributed to Jabir. [9] In practical chemistry, the works of Jabir, and those of the Persian alchemist and physician Abu Bakr al-Razi (854–925), contain the earliest systematic classifications of chemical substances. [10] Alchemists were also interested in artificially creating such substances. [11] Jabir describes the synthesis of ammonium chloride (sal ammoniac) from organic substances, [12] and Abu Bakr al-Razi experimented with the heating of ammonium chloride, vitriol, and other salts, which would eventually lead to the discovery of the mineral acids by 13th-century Latin alchemists such as pseudo-Geber. [dix]

Astronomy and cosmology Edit

Astronomy became a major discipline within Islamic science. Astronomers devoted effort both towards understanding the nature of the cosmos and to practical purposes. One application involved determining the Qibla, the direction to face during prayer. Another was astrology, predicting events affecting human life and selecting suitable times for actions such as going to war or founding a city. [13] Al-Battani (850–922) accurately determined the length of the solar year. He contributed to the Tables of Toledo, used by astronomers to predict the movements of the sun, moon and planets across the sky. Copernicus (1473-1543) later used some of Al-Battani's astronomic tables. [14]

Al-Zarqali (1028–1087) developed a more accurate astrolabe, used for centuries afterwards. He constructed a water clock in Toledo, discovered that the Sun's apogee moves slowly relative to the fixed stars, and obtained a good estimate of its motion [15] for its rate of change. [16] Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (1201–1274) wrote an important revision to Ptolemy's 2nd-century celestial model. When Tusi became Helagu's astrologer, he was given an observatory and gained access to Chinese techniques and observations. He developed trigonometry as a separate field, and compiled the most accurate astronomical tables available up to that time. [17]

Botany and agronomy Edit

The study of the natural world extended to a detailed examination of plants. The work done proved directly useful in the unprecedented growth of pharmacology across the Islamic world. [18] Al-Dinawari (815–896) popularised botany in the Islamic world with his six-volume Kitab al-Nabat (Book of Plants). Only volumes 3 and 5 have survived, with part of volume 6 reconstructed from quoted passages. The surviving text describes 637 plants in alphabetical order from the letters sin à ya, so the whole book must have covered several thousand kinds of plants. Al-Dinawari described the phases of plant growth and the production of flowers and fruit. The thirteenth century encyclopedia compiled by Zakariya al-Qazwini (1203–1283) – ʿAjā'ib al-makhlūqāt (The Wonders of Creation) – contained, among many other topics, both realistic botany and fantastic accounts. For example, he described trees which grew birds on their twigs in place of leaves, but which could only be found in the far-distant British Isles. [19] [18] [20] The use and cultivation of plants was documented in the 11th century by Muhammad bin Ibrāhīm Ibn Bassāl of Toledo in his book Dīwān al-filāha (The Court of Agriculture), and by Ibn al-'Awwam al-Ishbīlī (also called Abū l-Khayr al-Ishbīlī) of Seville in his 12th century book Kitāb al-Filāha (Treatise on Agriculture). Ibn Bassāl had travelled widely across the Islamic world, returning with a detailed knowledge of agronomy that fed into the Arab Agricultural Revolution. His practical and systematic book describes over 180 plants and how to propagate and care for them. It covered leaf- and root-vegetables, herbs, spices and trees. [21]

Geography and cartography Edit

The spread of Islam across Western Asia and North Africa encouraged an unprecedented growth in trade and travel by land and sea as far away as Southeast Asia, China, much of Africa, Scandinavia and even Iceland. Geographers worked to compile increasingly accurate maps of the known world, starting from many existing but fragmentary sources. [22] Abu Zayd al-Balkhi (850–934), founder of the Balkhī school of cartography in Baghdad, wrote an atlas called Figures of the Regions (Suwar al-aqalim). [23] Al-Biruni (973–1048) measured the radius of the earth using a new method. It involved observing the height of a mountain at Nandana (now in Pakistan). [24] Al-Idrisi (1100–1166) drew a map of the world for Roger, the Norman King of Sicily (ruled 1105-1154). He also wrote the Tabula Rogeriana (Book of Roger), a geographic study of the peoples, climates, resources and industries of the whole of the world known at that time. [25] The Ottoman admiral Piri Reis (c. 1470–1553) made a map of the New World and West Africa in 1513. He made use of maps from Greece, Portugal, Muslim sources, and perhaps one made by Christopher Columbus. He represented a part of a major tradition of Ottoman cartography. [26]

Modern copy of al-Idrisi's 1154 Tabula Rogeriana, upside-down, north at top

Mathematics Edit

Islamic mathematicians gathered, organised and clarified the mathematics they inherited from ancient Egypt, Greece, India, Mesopotamia and Persia, and went on to make innovations of their own. Islamic mathematics covered algebra, geometry and arithmetic. Algebra was mainly used for recreation: it had few practical applications at that time. Geometry was studied at different levels. Some texts contain practical geometrical rules for surveying and for measuring figures. Theoretical geometry was a necessary prerequisite for understanding astronomy and optics, and it required years of concentrated work. Early in the Abbasid caliphate (founded 750), soon after the foundation of Baghdad in 762, some mathematical knowledge was assimilated by al-Mansur's group of scientists from the pre-Islamic Persian tradition in astronomy. Astronomers from India were invited to the court of the caliph in the late eighth century they explained the rudimentary trigonometrical techniques used in Indian astronomy. Ancient Greek works such as Ptolemy's Almagest and Euclid's Elements were translated into Arabic. By the second half of the ninth century, Islamic mathematicians were already making contributions to the most sophisticated parts of Greek geometry. Islamic mathematics reached its apogee in the Eastern part of the Islamic world between the tenth and twelfth centuries. Most medieval Islamic mathematicians wrote in Arabic, others in Persian. [27] [28] [29]

Al-Khwarizmi (8th–9th centuries) was instrumental in the adoption of the Hindu-Arabic numeral system and the development of algebra, introduced methods of simplifying equations, and used Euclidean geometry in his proofs. [30] [31] He was the first to treat algebra as an independent discipline in its own right, [32] and presented the first systematic solution of linear and quadratic equations. [33] : 14 Ibn Ishaq al-Kindi (801–873) worked on cryptography for the Abbasid Caliphate, [34] and gave the first known recorded explanation of cryptanalysis and the first description of the method of frequency analysis. [35] [36] Avicenna (c. 980–1037) contributed to mathematical techniques such as casting out nines. [37] Thābit ibn Qurra (835–901) calculated the solution to a chessboard problem involving an exponential series. [38] Al-Farabi (c. 870–950) attempted to describe, geometrically, the repeating patterns popular in Islamic decorative motifs in his book Spiritual Crafts and Natural Secrets in the Details of Geometrical Figures. [39] Omar Khayyam (1048–1131), known in the West as a poet, calculated the length of the year to within 5 decimal places, and found geometric solutions to all 13 forms of cubic equations, developing some quadratic equations still in use. [40] Jamshīd al-Kāshī (c. 1380–1429) is credited with several theorems of trigonometry, including the law of cosines, also known as Al-Kashi's Theorem. He has been credited with the invention of decimal fractions, and with a method like Horner's to calculate roots. He calculated π correctly to 17 significant figures. [41]

Sometime around the seventh century, Islamic scholars adopted the Hindu-Arabic numeral system, describing their use in a standard type of text fī l-ḥisāb al hindī, (On the numbers of the Indians). A distinctive Western Arabic variant of the Eastern Arabic numerals began to emerge around the 10th century in the Maghreb and Al-Andalus (sometimes called ghubar numerals, though the term is not always accepted), which are the direct ancestor of the modern Arabic numerals used throughout the world. [42]

Médecine Modifier

Islamic society paid careful attention to medicine, following a hadith enjoining the preservation of good health. Its physicians inherited knowledge and traditional medical beliefs from the civilisations of classical Greece, Rome, Syria, Persia and India. These included the writings of Hippocrates such as on the theory of the four humours, and the theories of Galen. [43] al-Razi (c. 854–925/935) identified smallpox and measles, and recognized fever as a part of the body's defenses. He wrote a 23-volume compendium of Chinese, Indian, Persian, Syriac and Greek medicine. al-Razi questioned the classical Greek medical theory of how the four humours regulate life processes. He challenged Galen's work on several fronts, including the treatment of bloodletting, arguing that it was effective. [44] al-Zahrawi (936–1013) was a surgeon whose most important surviving work is referred to as al-Tasrif (Medical Knowledge). It is a 30-volume set mainly discussing medical symptoms, treatments, and pharmacology. The last volume, on surgery, describes surgical instruments, supplies, and pioneering procedures. [45] Avicenna (c. 980–1037) wrote the major medical textbook, The Canon of Medicine. [37] Ibn al-Nafis (1213–1288) wrote an influential book on medicine it largely replaced Avicenna's Canon in the Islamic world. He wrote commentaries on Galen and on Avicenna's works. One of these commentaries, discovered in 1924, described the circulation of blood through the lungs. [46] [47]

Optics and ophthalmology Edit

Optics developed rapidly in this period. By the ninth century, there were works on physiological, geometrical and physical optics. Topics covered included mirror reflection. Hunayn ibn Ishaq (809–873) wrote the book Ten Treatises on the Eye this remained influential in the West until the 17th century. [50] Abbas ibn Firnas (810–887) developed lenses for magnification and the improvement of vision. [51] Ibn Sahl (c. 940–1000) discovered the law of refraction known as Snell's law. He used the law to produce the first Aspheric lenses that focused light without geometric aberrations. [52] [53]

In the eleventh century Ibn al-Haytham (Alhazen, 965–1040) rejected the Greek ideas about vision, whether the Aristotelian tradition that held that the form of the perceived object entered the eye (but not its matter), or that of Euclid and Ptolemy which held that the eye emitted a ray. Al-Haytham proposed in his Livre d'optique that vision occurs by way of light rays forming a cone with its vertex at the center of the eye. He suggested that light was reflected from different surfaces in different directions, thus causing objects to look different. [54] [55] [56] [57] He argued further that the mathematics of reflection and refraction needed to be consistent with the anatomy of the eye. [58] He was also an early proponent of the scientific method, the concept that a hypothesis must be proved by experiments based on confirmable procedures or mathematical evidence, five centuries before Renaissance scientists. [59] [60] [61] [62] [63] [64]

Pharmacology Edit

Advances in botany and chemistry in the Islamic world encouraged developments in pharmacology. Muhammad ibn Zakarīya Rāzi (Rhazes) (865–915) promoted the medical uses of chemical compounds. Abu al-Qasim al-Zahrawi (Abulcasis) (936–1013) pioneered the preparation of medicines by sublimation and distillation. Le sien Liber servitoris provides instructions for preparing "simples" from which were compounded the complex drugs then used. Sabur Ibn Sahl (died 869) was the first physician to describe a large variety of drugs and remedies for ailments. Al-Muwaffaq, in the 10th century, wrote The foundations of the true properties of Remedies, describing chemicals such as arsenious oxide and silicic acid. He distinguished between sodium carbonate and potassium carbonate, and drew attention to the poisonous nature of copper compounds, especially copper vitriol, and also of lead compounds. Al-Biruni (973–1050) wrote the Kitab al-Saydalah (The Book of Drugs), describing in detail the properties of drugs, the role of pharmacy and the duties of the pharmacist. Ibn Sina (Avicenna) described 700 preparations, their properties, their mode of action and their indications. He devoted a whole volume to simples in The Canon of Medicine. Works by Masawaih al-Mardini (c. 925–1015) and by Ibn al-Wafid (1008–1074) were printed in Latin more than fifty times, appearing as De Medicinis universalibus et particularibus by Mesue the Younger (died 1015) and as the Medicamentis simplicibus by Abenguefit (c. 997 – 1074) respectively. Peter of Abano (1250–1316) translated and added a supplement to the work of al-Mardini under the title De Veneris. Ibn al-Baytar (1197–1248), in his Al-Jami fi al-Tibb, described a thousand simples and drugs based directly on Mediterranean plants collected along the entire coast between Syria and Spain, for the first time exceeding the coverage provided by Dioscorides in classical times. [65] [18] Islamic physicians such as Ibn Sina described clinical trials for determining the efficacy of medical drugs and substances. [66]

Physics Edit

The fields of physics studied in this period, apart from optics and astronomy which are described separately, are aspects of mechanics: statics, dynamics, kinematics and motion. In the sixth century John Philoponus (c. 490 – c. 570) rejected the Aristotelian view of motion. He argued instead that an object acquires an inclination to move when it has a motive power impressed on it. In the eleventh century Ibn Sina adopted roughly the same idea, namely that a moving object has force which is dissipated by external agents like air resistance. [67] Ibn Sina distinguished between "force" and "inclination" (mayl) he claimed that an object gained mayl when the object is in opposition to its natural motion. He concluded that continuation of motion depends on the inclination that is transferred to the object, and that the object remains in motion until the mayl is spent. He also claimed that a projectile in a vacuum would not stop unless it is acted upon. That view accords with Newton's first law of motion, on inertia. [68] As a non-Aristotelian suggestion, it was essentially abandoned until it was described as "impetus" by Jean Buridan (c. 1295–1363), who was influenced by Ibn Sina's Book of Healing. [67]

Dans le Shadows, Abū Rayḥān al-Bīrūnī (973–1048) describes non-uniform motion as the result of acceleration. [69] Ibn-Sina's theory of mayl tried to relate the velocity and weight of a moving object, a precursor of the concept of momentum. [70] Aristotle's theory of motion stated that a constant force produces a uniform motion Abu'l-Barakāt al-Baghdādī (c. 1080 – 1164/5) disagreed, arguing that velocity and acceleration are two different things, and that force is proportional to acceleration, not to velocity. [71]

Zoology Edit

Many classical works, including those of Aristotle, were transmitted from Greek to Syriac, then to Arabic, then to Latin in the Middle Ages. Aristotle's zoology remained dominant in its field for two thousand years. [76] The Kitāb al-Hayawān (كتاب الحيوان, English: Book of Animals) is a 9th-century Arabic translation of History of Animals: 1–10, On the Parts of Animals: 11–14, [77] and Generation of Animals: 15–19. [78] [79]

The book was mentioned by Al-Kindī (died 850), and commented on by Avicenna (Ibn Sīnā) in his The Book of Healing. Avempace (Ibn Bājja) and Averroes (Ibn Rushd) commented on and criticised On the Parts of Animals et Generation of Animals. [80]

Historians of science differ in their views of the significance of the scientific accomplishments in the medieval Islamic world. The traditionalist view, exemplified by Bertrand Russell, [81] holds that Islamic science, while admirable in many technical ways, lacked the intellectual energy required for innovation and was chiefly important for preserving ancient knowledge, and handing it on to medieval Europe. The revisionist view, exemplified by Abdus Salam, [82] George Saliba and John M. Hobson hold that a Muslim scientific revolution occurred during the Middle Ages. [83] [84] [ éclaircissements nécessaires ] Scholars such as Donald Routledge Hill and Ahmad Y. Hassan argue that Islam was the driving force behind these scientific achievements. [85]

According to Ahmed Dallal, science in medieval Islam was "practiced on a scale unprecedented in earlier human history or even contemporary human history". [86] Toby Huff takes the view that, although science in the Islamic world did produce localized innovations, it did not lead to a scientific revolution, which in his view required an ethos that existed in Europe in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, but not elsewhere in the world. [87] [88] [89] Will Durant, Fielding H. Garrison, Hossein Nasr and Bernard Lewis held that Muslim scientists helped in laying the foundations for an experimental science with their contributions to the scientific method and their empirical, experimental and quantitative approach to scientific inquiry. [90] [91] [92] [93]

James E. McClellan III and Harold Dorn, reviewing the place of Islamic science in world history, comment that the positive achievement of Islamic science was simply to flourish, for centuries, in a wide range of institutions from observatories to libraries, madrasas to hospitals and courts, both at the height of the Islamic golden age and for some centuries afterwards. It plainly did not lead to a scientific revolution like that in Early modern Europe, but in their view, any such external comparison is just an attempt to impose "chronologically and culturally alien standards" on a successful medieval culture. [2]


Remerciements

The contents of this volume are extensively revised and expanded versions of research papers originally presented at a workshop convened at the Camargo Foundation in Cassis, France, in June 2017. We wish to express our gratitude to the Camargo Foundation, and especially Julie Chénot and Cécile Descloux, for hosting us so graciously in such a beautiful venue, and to Eliza Zingesser and Elisabeth Ladenson for facilitating the publication of these essays as a special issue of Romanic Review. We also wish to acknowledge the participation of William Burgwinkle and Peggy McCracken, who attended the workshop but were unable to contribute to this volume.


The Penguin Historical Atlas of the Medieval World

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Voir la vidéo: 2 Le repas medieval (Décembre 2021).